Ethics/Professional Responsibility,
Civil Litigation,
Business Law
Sep. 10, 2025
Uber's assault on civil justice: a play out of the corporate intimidation playbook
Uber is weaponizing federal RICO lawsuits against personal injury attorneys and medical providers in multiple states, a corporate intimidation tactic that threatens access to justice for accident victims nationwide.





P. Christopher Ardalan
Founder
Ardalan & Associates, PLC
Phone: (818) 702-2570
Fax: (818) 702-2571
Email: pca@ardalanlaw.com

Uber Technologies has launched an unprecedented attack on
America's civil justice system, filing federal RICO lawsuits against personal
injury attorneys and medical providers who serve rideshare accident victims in
three separate states -- Florida, New York, and now California. This coordinated
campaign represents the latest evolution of corporate intimidation tactics
designed to safeguard profits by silencing those who hold companies accountable
for harm.
The systematic strategy reveals a corporate playbook that
transforms legitimate injury claims into criminal conspiracies, personal injury
lawyers into racketeers, and accident victims seeking justice into participants
in fraud. Far from protecting consumers, Uber's RICO litigation threatens to
create a chilling effect across the legal profession that will leave ordinary
injury victims unable to obtain representation against well-funded corporate
defendants.
Uber's litigation campaign targets prominent personal injury
firms and medical providers who treat rideshare accident victims. The recent
Los Angeles case filed in July of 2025 exemplifies the company's aggressive
strategy, naming Downtown LA Law Group, The Law Offices of Jacob Emrani, and
several medical providers and facilities as defendants in an alleged
racketeering conspiracy, as well as fraudulent business practices.
Uber's allegations focus on vilifying claimants who suffered
legitimate injuries and received necessary medical treatment. They not only
mischaracterize essential spinal surgeries and rehabilitation as
"medically unnecessary" procedures, but then go further to claim
these treatments were performed as part of a criminal conspiracy between the
law firms and health care providers to inflate and fabricate injuries and
damages in the hopes of getting big payouts.
While Uber makes such dramatic accusations against defendants,
Uber's own settlement history undermines these fraud allegations. The company
never tried a single case it cites as fraudulent. If Uber truly believed the
claims were meritless, it had every opportunity to take them to trial. Instead,
Uber settled those cases after months of litigation and discovery, only to
later characterize them as criminal enterprises.
This reveals the real agenda: Uber wants to have it both ways.
They settle cases when it's convenient, then weaponize those same settlements
as evidence of fraud to intimidate future injury victims and their attorneys.
It's a calculated strategy to shift the financial burden of accidents onto
others while protecting Uber's profits.
What is RICO and how it was intended to be used
The Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO)
was enacted in 1970 with a specific and narrow purpose: dismantling organized
crime syndicates that had infiltrated legitimate businesses. Congress designed
RICO to combat the Mafia, loan sharks, and other criminal enterprises that
operated through patterns of racketeering activity including murder,
kidnapping, gambling, arson, robbery, bribery, extortion and drug trafficking.
RICO's legislative history makes clear that Congress intended
the statute to target criminal organizations, not legitimate business disputes.
The law was meant to reach "the infiltration of organized crime and
racketeering into legitimate organizations operating in interstate
commerce," as stated in the original congressional findings. The focus was
on enterprises controlled by criminals who used violence, corruption, and
systematic criminality to operate illegal businesses or corrupt legitimate
ones.
The statute's drafters specifically emphasized that RICO should
address situations where traditional prosecution methods failed because
criminal organizations had become so sophisticated and insulated that
individual prosecutions couldn't dismantle the entire enterprise. RICO was the
tool to reach the bosses who ordered crimes but kept their hands clean, and to
forfeit the ill-gotten gains that funded continued criminal activity.
But now, Corporate America is perverting this anti-organized
crime statute into a weapon against civil litigation. When companies like Uber
use RICO against personal injury attorneys and medical providers, they're not
combating organized crime -- they're weaponizing a criminal statute to avoid
paying legitimate injury claims. This represents a fundamental corruption of
RICO's intended purpose, transforming a law designed to fight the Mafia into a
tool for corporate intimidation.
The irony is profound: RICO was created to serve justice by
stopping criminals from corrupting legitimate businesses, but corporations now
use RICO to criminalize legitimate businesses who serve justice. This inversion
of the statute's purpose would be shocking to the legislators who crafted RICO
to protect legitimate commerce from criminal infiltration.
Uber's true motivations
So why is Uber doing this? Why use laws meant for organized
crime against injured victims and their lawyers and doctors? Simple: money.
Uber's insurance costs are affecting their profits, especially in states that actually protect consumers. Their solution isn't to operate
more safely or accept responsibility -- it's to destroy the system that holds
them accountable.
But here's what Uber won't tell you: They want to make billions
in profits while sticking others with the bill when accidents happen. When
their drivers cause crashes, Uber wants to pay victims as little as possible,
regardless of how badly they're hurt.
Uber has consistently employed aggressive legal strategies to
minimize accountability when facing liability claims. The company has paid
millions to fight extensive litigation to avoid classifying drivers as employees, and spent over $200 million alone on California's
Proposition 22 to undermine worker protection laws. Uber routinely uses
mandatory arbitration clauses and liability waivers to shield itself from
public lawsuits, while lobbying for regulatory changes that limit corporate
responsibility in accident cases. The company has also lobbied for reduced
insurance coverage limit requirements and caps on attorney contingency fees,
seeking to limit both the resources available to injury victims for full
recovery of claims and their ability to obtain quality legal representation.
Yet despite this aggressive stance attacking the systems and
professionals that enable accountability, Uber consistently avoids the very
forum where their fraud allegations could be tested: the courtroom. The company
routinely settles personal injury cases rather than taking them to trial, only
to later characterize these same settled cases as criminal enterprises. If Uber
truly believed these claims were fraudulent, they had every opportunity to
vindicate themselves before juries who could expose the alleged "conspiracies"
and award minimal damages. Instead, they chose to pay settlements, then
weaponize those same settlements as evidence of fraud. This calculated
avoidance of trial reveals the truth: Uber knows these are legitimate injury
claims that would likely result in significant jury verdicts, making settlement
and subsequent RICO intimidation tactics far more cost-effective than facing
accountability in court.
Uber's attempt to undermine the right of injured victims to quality
medical care
Uber's complaints consistently attack the medical lien system by
characterizing necessary medical procedures as "excessive,"
"unnecessary," or "inflated." The company argues that when
accident victims receive treatment from physicians who accept payment through
medical liens rather than direct insurance reimbursement, this somehow
constitutes evidence of fraud. Uber portrays the collaborative relationship
between personal injury attorneys and medical providers as an inherently
corrupt "referral scheme" designed to manufacture claims rather than
treat genuine injuries.
The real issue Uber is attacking isn't fraud - it's choice. When
accident victims work with attorneys who can arrange treatment on a lien basis,
they get access to specialists who can provide individualized, quality care.
Compare that to what insurance companies prefer: high-volume, assembly-line
treatment at the lowest possible cost.
For many people, health insurance represents a significant
expense they cannot afford. For others, the type and quality of insurance they
pay for is based on anticipated routine care needs, not catastrophic injuries
caused by others' negligence. Whether they have employer-sponsored insurance,
government programs like Medi-Cal or Medicare, or remain uninsured, these
individuals never anticipate suffering a serious brain injury or needing spine
procedures or surgery when making their healthcare coverage choices. They're
simply trying to afford basic healthcare within their means.
When serious injuries occur, the limitations of their existing
coverage become starkly apparent. Patients face excessive wait times to see
specialists, navigate bureaucratic red tape, discover their insurance only
covers limited treatment options, cannot afford the required co-pays and
deductibles for specialized care, or are uninsured altogether and have no
coverage at all. The medical lien system bridges this gap by connecting
patients with experienced physicians who understand how to provide appropriate care
and allows deferred payment to help offset financial hardship when they are
hurt. This system also ensures proper documentation of treatment records that
can withstand later scrutiny by defendants attempting to escape responsibility,
leveling the playing field against corporate efforts to minimize valid injury
claims.
This underscores the need to protect the lien system. Medical
liens aren't "kickback schemes" -- they're IOUs that make quality care
accessible. Just like student loans allow people to get education they couldn't
otherwise afford, medical liens allow injury victims to get treatment from
specialists rather than being forced into whatever bottom-tier provider their
insurance company prefers.
Uber wants to criminalize patient choice. They want accident
victims stuck with whatever care their insurance will cover upfront, regardless
of whether it's adequate for their injuries. When precision surgery is required
where one wrong move can cause permanent disability or death, patients deserve
access to the best available care.
Uber consistently argues that when doctors charge more than what
insurance typically pays, this price difference itself proves fraud. But this
"inflated billing" argument is a smokescreen that hides their real
agenda. Defense lawyers routinely claim that "reasonable" medical
charges should be capped at whatever Medicare or insurance companies pay
doctors. However, this comparison is fundamentally dishonest. Those government
and insurance reimbursement rates are artificially low and don't even come
close to covering what it actually costs to run a
quality medical practice.
Think about what this means in practice: a doctor operating
under Medi-Cal/Medicare rates has to crank out eight
to ten surgeries a day just to keep the lights on. They're running an assembly
line, moving from patient to patient with minimal time for individualized care
or proper consultation. Meanwhile, a physician who can charge market rates can focus
on one or two surgeries, providing the kind of careful, individualized
attention that complex spinal procedures demand.
We're talking about people who were injured through no fault of
their own, facing procedures so delicate that patients must sign waivers
acknowledging they could be left paralyzed if the surgeon makes even the
slightest error. Do we really want to force these vulnerable patients into
assembly-line medicine? Uber's argument essentially demands that accident
victims accept whatever bottom-tier care government-controlled rates can
provide, regardless of how complex or life-threatening their injuries may be.
This is about fundamental patient choice and market economics.
People choose to pay premium prices for quality every day: designer clothes
over discount brands, luxury cars over basic transportation, fine dining over
fast food, premium jewelry over costume pieces -- all based on their perception
of value and quality. We accept that consumers should have the right to choose
what they're willing to pay for everything from a meal to a handbag. Yet when
it comes to healthcare -- something that literally affects whether someone walks
again or lives in permanent pain - corporate defendants argue victims should be
forced into bottom-tier, assembly-line medical care. When someone suffers a
serious injury, they should have the same right to choose quality medical care
and decide what they consider reasonable value for procedures that will affect
the rest of their lives.
Uber argues that when doctors reduce their bills after a
settlement or verdict, this proves personal injury lawyers and physicians are
engaged in fraud. This "discount proves fraud" logic is absurd.
Nobody argues that movie theaters are fraudulent because they offer senior
discounts, or that restaurants are criminal enterprises because they have happy
hour specials. More importantly, this exact same practice happens millions of
times every day in routine healthcare. When physicians submit bills to
Medicare, Medi-Cal, and private insurance companies, they bill their standard
rates but accept whatever the insurance pays as full payment -- effectively
writing off the difference. Under Uber's logic, virtually every doctor in
America commits fraud every time they accept an insurance payment. But
corporate defendants want to force everyone to accept the lowest possible
rates, eliminating patient choice entirely.
Fortunately, our justice system doesn't let corporations decide
what medical care is worth. These cases are decided by juries who evaluate
whether treatment is reasonable and necessary. The market, through countless
verdicts and settlements, validates appropriate medical charges when the care
is justified. Voluntary reductions don't prove original charges were
unreasonable any more than sale prices prove a store's regular prices are
fraudulent.
How Uber's misuse of RICO has a devastating impact on access
to justice
Corporate RICO litigation creates significant barriers to legal
representation through economic intimidation and chilling effects. These
attacks produce a chilling effect across the legal profession, with firms
becoming reluctant to take on corporate defendants due to fear of retaliation
and physicians who are providing quality care to patients may refuse to treat
or defer payments to patients who seek immediate specialized care without
having to wait long periods to obtain appointments and have no choice of
physician.
Defending a RICO case can cost millions in legal fees, while the
threat of treble damages under 18 U.S.C. § 1964(c) multiplies potential
exposure exponentially. Under RICO, successful plaintiffs automatically recover
three times their actual damages plus attorney's fees -- meaning even modest
claims can result in devastating financial judgments. This
treble damages provision transforms RICO into a powerful intimidation
weapon: even if Uber's actual damages are relatively small, defendants face the
prospect of paying three times that amount plus Uber's legal costs, creating
enormous pressure to settle or abandon legitimate practices entirely. This
creates uncertainty for attorneys and physicians about what conduct could
trigger RICO liability, leading to defensive practice behavior that ultimately
hurts clients.
The economic vulnerability is particularly acute for solo
practitioners and small firms that represent most injury victims. Small firms
typically operate on tight margins, leaving little capacity to defend against
million-dollar corporate litigation campaigns. Federal cases are notoriously
expensive and complex, while RICO cases multiply these costs dramatically. This
threat is even more significant to physicians and health care facilities that
have high operating expenses and rely on revenues from procedures and exams.
This creates a troubling two-tier system of justice: one for
high-value claims that can survive corporate intimidation, another for valid
but modest claims that become too expensive to pursue under the threat of RICO
retaliation.
Uber's not the first to use corporate intimidation tactics to
collaterally attack opponents
Uber's strategy follows a well-established corporate playbook
pioneered by other major companies seeking to avoid accountability. Major
corporations have used RICO against environmental attorneys, human rights
lawyers, and other advocates who represent clients against corporate interests.
Chevron Corporation's decade-long campaign against environmental
attorney Steven Donziger demonstrates the devastating effectiveness of
corporate RICO tactics. After Donziger won a $9.5 billion judgment against
Chevron for Amazon oil contamination in Ecuador, Chevron refused to pay and
instead launched a RICO countersuit claiming the judgment was fraudulently
obtained through bribery of Ecuadorian judges. Chevron hired Gibson, Dunn &
Crutcher to pursue the case and deployed private investigators to conduct surveillance
on Donziger. When Chevron won the civil RICO case, the federal judge ordered
Donziger to turn over his computer and client files to assist Chevron's
collection efforts. When Donziger refused citing attorney-client privilege, he
was held in criminal contempt -- not for organized crime activity, but for
refusing to help his corporate opponent collect evidence. Through private
prosecutors (after federal prosecutors declined the case), Donziger was
ultimately imprisoned for over 900 days -- more time than any attorney in U.S.
history for contempt. This systematic destruction of an opposing attorney
created legal precedent for using civil RICO to criminalize advocacy against
major corporations.
Drummond Company's ongoing RICO case against human rights
attorney Terrence Collingsworth shows how corporations characterize witness
protection payments as "bribes" and legitimate legal advocacy as
racketeering. Collingsworth reported spending "2,000 hours (a full
lawyer's year) defending against charges" while Colombian prosecutors
charged Drummond executives with conspiracy in the murders his clients alleged.
The tobacco industry perfected these intimidation strategies in
the 1950s-1990s, with Reynolds counsel explicitly stating: "The way we won
these cases was not by spending all of Reynolds' money, but by making that
other son of a bitch spend all his." Corporate defense strategies included
comprehensive personal investigations of plaintiffs and attorneys, examining
their private lives for any information that could be used to discredit or
intimidate them.
Johnson & Johnson's current tactics in talc litigation
include suing independent scientists to silence unfavorable research and
employing the notorious "Texas Two-Step" bankruptcy maneuver -- a
scheme where profitable companies create subsidiaries to hold their
liabilities, then immediately put those underfunded subsidiaries into
bankruptcy while the parent company continues operating and making billions.
This allows J&J to force tens of thousands of cancer victims into
bankruptcy settlements worth pennies on the dollar while protecting the
company's valuable assets from legitimate claims. These patterns demonstrate
how corporate intimidation has evolved from defending individual lawsuits to
systematically attacking the infrastructure of civil justice.
Expert condemnation of corporate RICO misuse
Legal scholars and professional organizations have strongly
condemned corporate use of RICO against attorneys as a fundamental threat to
the justice system. Iowa Law Review analysis revealed that "[m]embers of
the defense bar have made no secret about the fact that these RICO cases are
part of a larger strategy to stamp out large-scale aggregate litigation."
The American Civil Liberties Union warned that civil RICO's
potential for chilling First Amendment rights of expression and criticized the
statute's expansion beyond its original organized crime focus. Even as far back
as 1989, Chief Justice William Rehnquist stated in a speech that "the
legislative history of the RICO Act strongly suggests that Congress never
intended that civil RICO should be used, as it is today, in ordinary commercial
disputes far divorced from the influences of organized crime . . . I think the
time has arrived for Congress to . . . limit its scope to the sort of wrongs
that are connected to organized crime."
Uber's corporate deception under the guise of bringing reform
Uber's RICO litigation operates alongside sophisticated tort
reform campaigns funded through organizations designed to appear as grassroots
consumer protection while advancing corporate interests. Uber's $5 million
Nevada campaign to cap contingency fees represents the latest evolution of
strategies pioneered by the tobacco industry.
Corporate-funded tort reform organizations have spent decades
reshaping civil justice laws. These efforts typically involve substantial
corporate investment in campaigns designed to limit accountability and reduce
compensation for injury victims.
So-called "citizens" organizations, despite their
grassroots appearance, are often corporate-created entities funded by major
industries. These groups coordinate messaging to influence public opinion and
elections while obscuring their corporate backing.
Damage caps and other tort "reforms" have demonstrably
reduced compensation for injury victims, with the impacts falling
disproportionately on women, elderly, and low-income victims who suffer the
greatest harm from reduced access to justice.
Protecting civil justice from corporate intimidation and bullying
The broader context reveals a civil justice system already in
crisis. The vast majority of low-income Americans do
not receive adequate legal help for civil legal problems, representing a
fundamental breakdown in equal access to justice that corporate intimidation
tactics will only worsen.
Personal injury cases represent a significant portion of civil
litigation, with settlements providing crucial financial recovery for families
facing devastating medical costs. Brain injuries alone can result in lifetime
medical expenses in the millions.
The economic impact on families without legal representation is
devastating. Studies consistently show that attorneys settle cases for
significantly more than what unrepresented individuals receive. Legal
representation makes the difference between meaningful recovery and financial
devastation for injury victims.
While insurance fraud exists, it represents a small fraction of
legitimate claims. The vast majority of personal
injury claims involve real injuries requiring real treatment, not the
systematic fraud that corporate defendants claim to be combating.
The current and historical corporate litigation attacks on
consumers reveals a coordinated corporate strategy to reshape America's civil
justice system through intimidation, economic warfare, and systematic attacks
on legal representation. Uber's RICO litigation represents the latest front in
a multi-decade campaign to externalize corporate accountability costs while
maximizing profits.
This threatens the constitutional right to trial by jury and
equal access to justice. When corporations can transform legitimate injury
claims into criminal conspiracies and personal injury lawyers into racketeers,
the balance between corporate power and individual rights collapses entirely.
The stakes extend far beyond individual cases. Uber's lawsuits
risk chilling access to care and legal representation for injured individuals,
particularly low-income workers, immigrants and rideshare passengers without
comprehensive insurance. The systematic nature of corporate intimidation
tactics creates barriers that will prevent future victims from obtaining
representation against well-funded defendants.
The civil justice system serves as democracy's accountability
mechanism, ensuring that even powerful corporations face consequences for harm
they cause. Corporate RICO litigation seeks to break this mechanism by making
it too dangerous and expensive for attorneys to represent injured parties
against major companies.
We cannot allow corporations to criminalize accountability
itself. When companies like Uber can use federal racketeering laws to
intimidate attorneys and medical providers, they're not protecting consumers -
they're protecting their profits at the expense of public safety and individual
rights.
The response must be equally systematic: defending the right to
representation, exposing corporate intimidation tactics, and ensuring that
accountability mechanisms remain available to those harmed by corporate
conduct. Bar associations, legal organizations, and individual practitioners
must recognize this threat for what it is and respond with unified resistance.
The choice is clear: a justice system that serves all Americans
equally, or one captured by corporate interests that can criminalize
accountability itself. Uber's RICO litigation campaign forces this choice upon
us, demanding that we defend civil justice before corporate intimidation
succeeds in silencing it entirely.
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