Constitutional Law
Jan. 21, 2025
Why I think Huntington Beach's Voter ID law will be upheld
Despite efforts by Attorney General Rob Bonta and Secretary of State Shirley Weber to overturn Huntington Beach's voter identification law, the city may prevail due to its authority as a charter city to manage its own elections.
James V. Lacy
James V. Lacy served as general counsel of the U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission during the Reagan Administration. He is a conservative public interest and election lawyer and pundit based in Orange County. You can follow him on X @JamesVLacy1
Try as they might to undo Huntington Beach's efforts to establish a voter identification verification law, Attorney General Rob Bonta and Secretary of State Shirley Weber may lose the case on the merits, and in no small part because of a case precedent established in a matter I lost in the 1st District Court of Appeal in 2023, in Lacy vs. City of San Francisco, 94 Cal.App.5th 238 (2023).
Measure A is a charter amendment that was adopted by the people of "Surf City" with 53.4% support in the March 2024 election, whose major provision requires government issued photo identification at the polls. According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, 36 states have laws to show some sort of identification when a person shows up at a polling station to vote. Support for voter ID laws is a popular theme in many so-called "Red states" as a means to protect the integrity of the vote in an election, but progressive politicians and organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union, oppose such laws. In the case of the ACLU, it argues that many Americans lack government issued identification, that some find the IDs inconvenient to obtain or cost them money they cannot afford, and that laws requiring them suppress voting, especially among minority groups.
There is no evidence that Measure A is intended to discriminate against any voter group or suppress voting. Yet the State of California's progressive leaders who run things decided to oppose in court the decision of the voters of Huntington Beach, a charter city, on how they conduct their elections. In a 300+ page challenge filed in Orange County Superior Court last April, Attorney General Bonta and Secretary Weber rehash the progressives' speculations that verifying voter identity hurts voter turnout and try to make a case that questions about showing IDs at the polls are a pre-emptive matter of "statewide importance," and that California cities, even charter cities like Huntington Beach, simply do not have this power to manage their own elections. However, these California plaintiffs were denied a chance to get to the merits of the case quickly on a procedural issue raised by the City, as the complaint was found "not ripe for adjudication" and rejected by the Superior Court Judge, as the City Council has not yet implemented its provisions, which are aimed at the 2026 election cycle. Last week Bonta and Weber filed a Notice of Appeal on that ruling, even though the Judge had given them leave to amend their complaint when the City does formally implement the law. Bonta and Weber want to get to the merits right away. In a recent press release announcing the Notice of Appeal, Weber said part of her "role is ensuring that we encourage democracy through voter participation." Yet there is irony in her suing to cancel an actual vote of the people in Huntington Beach to accomplish her stated goal to "ensure democracy."
Given the result in Lacy vs. San Francisco, a decision widely hailed by progressives in favor of noncitizen voting, there is further irony in their legal position that conservative Huntington Beach does not have the power to manage its own elections for purposes of Voter ID election integrity, but that liberal San Francisco does have the power to conduct its own elections to include enacting noncitizen voting.
In 2022, in a
lawsuit I filed against the City of San Francisco to prohibit
the counting of votes in school board elections of persons who are not
United States citizens, Superior Court Judge Richard B. Ulmer, Jr., found that
the noncitizen voting ordinance of that charter city "is contrary to the
California Constitution and state statutes and cannot stand." A
permanent injunction was issued to stop San Francisco from processing
noncitizen voting. In denying the City's Motion in a new Order, Judge Ulmer
wrote that San Francisco's noncitizen voting law "violates
unequivocal provisions of the California Constitution and state statute;
this is not a difficult or close question." At that point, I had won my
case.
However, the Court of Appeals had no difficulty at all in
overturing Judge Ulmer's decision, notwithstanding the factual liberal-leaning
pedigrees of all three members of the panel. In their appeal, the City had
urged and relied, among other things, on the appellate court applying a broad
interpretation of California's affirmative Constitutional grant of power to
charter cities, at Article XI, section 5, to conduct city elections. And it
surely did so, despite the rather strong, otherwise pre-emptive language in the
State Constitution to the contrary that Judge Ulmer had found. Known as part of
the "Home Rule" provisions of the state constitution, the Lacy court
opined that Home Rule possessed by charter cities "confer(s) expansive
authority in those areas deemed to be within their purview, suggesting the
language of the provisions should be construed broadly to further that intent."
94 Cal.App.5th at 251. Conducting elections is indeed an enumerated charter
city power. "Thus, the history of home rule in the California Constitution
demonstrates an intent to confer broad authority on charter cities" (94
Cal.App.5th at 253) over their municipal affairs. Which specifically includes
elections.
One might think that a regulation in favor of verifying
identity with a government issued ID at the polls is more of a procedural
matter than a substantive one, or what might be referred to as a "time, place
and manner" regulation, ministerial in nature, subject to a lower standard of
review. But the distinction on whether the requirement is ministerial
or substantive does not matter as long as it does not discriminate, because of
the strong Home Rule power as a charter city that Huntington Beach possesses,
as the law established in the Lacy case, and because there is no
credible evidence at all in Huntington Beach that the provision is intended to
keep people from voting. Whether the rule expands or contracts the voting
franchise does not matter, as long as it is not
intended to discriminate.
How can requiring a government ID to vote be a pre-emptive
matter of "statewide importance" while expanding the voting franchise to allow
noncitizens to vote is not, but rather, a matter of local concern? It will soon
be up to the 4th District Court of Appeal to decide. It seems to me
that in the context of a charter city's power to conduct its' own elections, it
will not be very hard for the Court of Appeals in the Huntington Beach case to
reconcile this difference given the Lacy precedent. The 4th
District has a case precedent that points in favor of upholding Huntington
Beach's Measure A. As a supporter of voter verification at the polls, and a
believer in following case precedent, I would be grateful for such a silver
lining arising out of the case I lost in San Francisco.
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