Ethics/Professional Responsibility
Jun. 20, 2025
St. Thomas More: A good or bad role model for lawyers and judges?
St. Thomas More, long celebrated as a martyr of conscience and hero of faith, was also a zealous persecutor who used state power to torture and execute religious dissenters, leaving behind a legacy as complex and troubling as it is revered.





Dan Lawton
Partner
Klinedinst PC in San Diego
501 W Broadway #1100
San Diego , CA 92101
Phone: (619) 400-8000
Email: dlawton@klinedinstlaw.com
Georgetown Univ Law Center
The views expressed here are his own.

St. Thomas More was a British lawyer who served the king. The
British crown executed him for treason in 1535, making him a martyr who
willingly suffered execution for a personal belief system which put him at odds
with the crown. Today, More is many things. Among
them, he is the hero of "A Man for All Seasons," the prizewinning play and film.
He is also the namesake of the Thomas More Society, to whose chapters thousands
of Catholic lawyers and judges belong. Many celebrate More today, and rightly
so. There is much to celebrate, including his personal fortitude, which he
displayed during his final days of suffering in the Tower of London in 1535.
To me the more interesting discussion is about the reality: More
was, charitably put, a mixed bag as a role model for any lawyer or jurist. His
misdeeds as well as his achievements carry lessons for lawyers, judges and
elected officials today.
More was a cruel persecutor of those who would dare to question
the pope or church doctrine. During the 1520s, smugglers imported from Belgium
and Germany books considered heretical into England. More's Christian beliefs
did not restrain him from the most barbaric measures against them. As lord
chancellor, he interrogated heretics; ordered raids on their houses; and
consigned them to the Tower of London and other prisons. He "epitomised,
in modern terms, the apparatus of the state using its power to crush those
attempting to subvert it." (P. Ackroyd, "The Life of St. Thomas More"
(Doubleday 1998) at p. 302.) In this way, he was little different than any
number of high officials who have abused their fellow citizens in the name of
the executive - from Tomás de Torquemada to some others whose names have
appeared in the news media in recent times.
As lord chancellor, More played a key role
in the torture and burning alive of heretics. Among them were James Bainham, a
lawyer who owned forbidden books; Thomas Hitton, a Catholic priest who became
an evangelical "runner" of forbidden books; Richard Bayfield, a
Benedictine monk-turned-book trader; John Tewkesbery, a London leather-seller
whose home harbored banned books; and Thomas Bilney, a heretic who preached the
gospel in leperhouses and prisons. Bainham, in his last words, is said to have
asked God to forgive More, then prayed "'till the fire took his bowels and
his head." (Ackroyd at 307.) The practical difference between such brutal
executions and death by stoning in today's Iran seems hard to measure. More's
voluminous writings omit the slightest expression of regret over them.
More himself went to the scaffold in 1535 for treason. This was
because he refused to accede to the Act of Succession. The Act had ended the
jurisdiction and authority of the pope in England and obliged all to take an
oath swearing to uphold the Act and obey "alonely" Henry VIII. More's trial was
a joke, farcically unfair. In that way, it was likely akin to several trials
experienced by men prosecuted while More was lord chancellor.
During his incarceration, everyone but More
considered his posture "foolish and futile." (Ackroyd at 363.) The
reason was not hard to understand. More's obstinance was not going to stop the
Act of Succession. Nor would it restore the pope's authority in England. Nor
was it going to spark a coup d'etat
against Henry VIII. And so it was pointless. Seen in
this way, his obduracy seems little more than an egotistical, if elaborately
reasoned, act of dumbness.
Many of us are trained to respect the example of a martyr
bravely facing gruesome death for what he or she believes. Perhaps less
respectable is the willing desolation of one's wife and children for the sake
of a dearly held belief. More knew his family wished him to take the oath, stay
alive, and live to a ripe old age. More's wife argued to him that God would
look in More's heart rather than to his words in judging his taking of the oath.
More's daughter Margaret also begged him to relent. More would hear none of it.
He expected to be executed for his defiance of the king, and he was. His death
rendered his manors and estates forfeit to the crown, and "apparently
impoverished" his household. (Ackroyd at p. 379.) Thus, More
deliberately harmed the people to whom he owed the highest duties - his wife
and children. Dying for one's family is noble. But deliberately dying in a way
that harms, without saving one's family, seems merely cruel and selfish.
More's many admirers extol conscience as the ultimate guide to
human action, and I get it. Conscience has driven many great causes, from
abolition of chattel slavery to the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Yet
conscience, by itself, hardly seems a virtue in history. The Sept. 11 hijackers
were religious zealots who followed their consciences, praising Allah in their last
moments in the cockpits. John Wilkes Booth, Sirhan Sirhan, and any number of
other deluded assassins also followed the dictates of conscience. That
conscience motivated them hardly seems laudatory given the results of what they
did. Of course, More is no Mohammad Atta or John Wilkes Booth. Yet his
motivation seems little different than theirs, in its exalting of conscience
over all else.
I wonder whether More, had he had a
sounder heart and a less sure conscience, might have chosen differently. Would
he have been involved in the persecution of people whose crimes consisted of
trading in English-language Bibles? Left his family grief-stricken and bereft?
Taken a pointless stand against a law which was a fact of life? More's ardent
throng of venerators cannot stand these questions, but there they are. The
answers to them are not easy.
It seems no more fair to criticize
More's juristic brutality than to compare his personal bathing habits with
today's hygiene standards. This is because English law authorized all the
arrests, interrogations, incarcerations, tortures, and executions More
inflicted or suffered to be inflicted. Still, Jesus' teachings were the same in
1530 as they are today. One looks in vain to find gospel passages exhorting
torture and burning men alive. Whatever the laws in 1530, More knew how to defy
the ones he considered un-Christian. More showed this when he himself defied
the Act of Succession. Yet when it came to laws warranting torture and
immolation of fellow Christians, he cheerfully chose law over civil
disobedience. His acts seem no easier to square with a saintly standard than
Dick Cheney's or J. Edgar Hoover's.
More is a saint, canonized in 1935. Perhaps reasonable minds can
disagree over whether his sacrifice compares well with those of other saints. Maximilian
Kolbe, a Polish priest, volunteered at Auschwitz to take the place of a young
father condemned to execution. Father Damien DeVeuster, a Belgian priest, died
of leprosy contracted while caring for Hawai'ian lepers. There are abundant
other examples from secular life. These include the countless sacrifices of
U.S. military men and women for their comrades-in-arms and for the civilian
population of our country. Compared to their deaths, More's
death seems a sort of ego trip - like standing in front of an onrushing freight
train to demonstrate moral opposition to rail transport, or throwing soup on
the Mona Lisa to protest government inertia in the face of climate change.
We can learn some things from Thomas More. One of them is this:
Sectarian zeal can be dumb and destructive. So, too, can be the abiding
conviction that one's conscience, however violent to sense, is the only way. Had
Thomas More exalted sense over conscience, he'd have knuckled under to the king.
But he also would have lived to fight the king another day - and done lots of
other good things too. Having essentially committed suicide, he foreclosed all
these possibilities. It makes me, or anyone else who says it out loud, a skunk
at any respectable Catholic garden party to say so,
but: What a waste.
Alan Dershowitz writes that, in More's time, "truth could
be found by the rack and the Star Chamber." Happily, we have better ways
of finding truth today. The upcoming feast day of Thomas More is this coming
Sunday, June 22. Perhaps it is an apt occasion for using those ways to explore
the truth of who More was.
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